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Being towards death

Heed not to the tree-rustling and leaf-lashing rain, Why not stroll along, whistle and sing under its rein. Lighter and better suited than horses are straw sandals and a bamboo staff, Who's afraid? A palm-leaf plaited cape provides enough to misty weather in life sustain. A thorny spring breeze sobers up the spirit, I feel a slight chill, The setting sun over the mountain offers greetings still. Looking back over the bleak passage survived, The return in time Shall not be affected by windswept rain or shine.
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The working class in the United States has guns, why not overthrow capitalism

Another piece of news from October this year: Starting from midnight on October 1st, Eastern Time, port workers in the United States initiated the largest strike in half a century. This strike not only drew our attention to the power of the working class but also raised a deeper question: In a country like the United States, where workers have guns, diverse opinions, and claim to be a free democracy, why does the working class, despite having weapons, not overthrow capitalism or choose extreme means to retaliate against society? What social mechanisms and historical reasons are hidden behind this?

The American system is not perfect, but their methods in facing certain issues are worth learning from. So here, we will not argue but analyze the problems.

Historically, the Communist Party of the USA was officially established on September 1, 1919, and the Third International was filled with expectations. They once optimistically believed that the demise of American imperialism was imminent.

Why was the Third International so confident? Because the United States had a large working class, workers had weapons, and the ideological propaganda in the U.S. was not restricted. The Third International was adept at combining armed struggle with ideological propaganda, so they naturally believed that the U.S. would quickly follow in the footsteps of Tsarist Russia. However, things did not develop as expected.

The American working class was not interested in the revolutionary theories promoted by the Third International. The Third International, in summarizing its experiences, believed that the 1920s in America was the "Roaring Twenties," a period of prosperity under Coolidge. At that time, an ordinary blue-collar worker could not only live in a villa and drive a car but also had a full set of household appliances. If they wanted a raise, they only needed to cooperate with the union. Moreover, American workers would drive their families on vacations during the weekends, having no desire to overthrow their good lives.

By 1929, the Great Depression broke out in the United States, which the Third International considered a golden opportunity. However, the Communist Party's attempt to seize control of the unions faced strong opposition from the American working class. The Third International had to confront the awkward reality: despite American workers having guns, they still would not choose to overthrow capitalism. Why is that?

There are several reasons:

First, the social classes are relatively open. Many social media influencers like to mock the existence of wealth disparity in America. Indeed, there is a significant wealth gap in the U.S., but that does not represent the whole truth. The reality is that the wealth classes in America are not rigid; there is still considerable mobility between classes. Countless businesses go bankrupt every day, while many "poor boys" achieve their American Dream through hard work. For example, Sergey Brin's father, Michael Brin, was once a data processor for the Soviet planning committee. Americans do not believe in egalitarianism because they think it leads to enslavement. They only believe in equal opportunity because only with equal opportunity can success be achieved through hard work. For this reason, most Americans prefer to pursue personal struggle rather than change the system through revolution.

Second, the role of unions. American unions are not merely decorative entities that distribute labor protection supplies during holidays; of course, whether some methods of American unions comply with economic laws is another question. The high wages and benefits of American workers are, on one hand, due to rapid economic development, and on the other hand, also rely on collective bargaining by unions. In the first eight months of 2024, profits in the American shipping industry grew by 280%, and from 2020 to 2023, the total profits of the global shipping industry exceeded $400 billion. Therefore, the demands of American port workers for wage increases align with market laws and naturally received support from the unions. Since goals can be achieved through negotiation, why overthrow capitalism? Would changing to another ideology increase American workers' income? Experiences from other countries have already told American workers that such thoughts are very unrealistic.

Third, the middle class is a stabilizer in society. The social structure most likely to spark revolution is the "dumbbell type"—large at both ends and small in the middle. The opposition between the privileged class and the lower class is a breeding ground for revolution. However, American society has always presented an "oval type" structure: small at both ends and large in the middle. The middle class occupies the main body of society; although they have their grievances, they have not fallen to the point of needing to change the status quo with a gun. Thus, the large middle class has become the ballast of American society. Any change or reform that does not have the support of the middle class has a minuscule chance of success. Fourth, the deeply rooted spirit of freedom. After World War II, the working class in Western Europe held an overwhelming advantage in universal suffrage, promoting long-term leftist governance and significantly improving workers' conditions by limiting capital, thus forming today's high welfare system. However, the left in America adheres to Jeffersonian liberalism. They support democracy but place a higher value on freedom. The spirit of freedom is deeply ingrained in Americans. Americans can oppose capitalism and even the system of private property, but they will not oppose the liberal values of freedom, tolerance, and the rule of law. Moreover, American religious beliefs combined with the spirit of freedom make Christianity an important cornerstone of their social order. Therefore, the American working class tends to uphold traditional values and social systems. For example, famous rednecks in America would rather believe in Trump than participate in a revolution.

Fifth, a well-established error correction mechanism. Americans can promote social change through legal means such as elections and legislation, and they can even support large-scale reforms like Roosevelt's New Deal. The working class has the right to participate in legislation and reform, which are tangible rights they naturally cherish. At the same time, due to the relatively free space for public opinion, various organizations and factions can openly discuss and debate. The working class has sufficient channels to understand different viewpoints and make comparisons. It is clear who is just talking and who is actually solving problems. As Jefferson said, "As long as people can freely rebut, no error is to be feared."

Sixth, strong local autonomy. The U.S. federal government is only responsible for matters related to the overall national interest, such as national defense and foreign affairs, and does not interfere in the daily lives of citizens. State governments are responsible for matters closely related to the people, such as civil law and public security. The Founding Fathers of the United States believed that economic vitality and people's freedom stem from a strong tradition of local autonomy.

At the same time, the American spirit of pragmatism makes them focus more on practice than theory; they value the practical effects of theory. Therefore, the U.S. allows experiments with various social organizations and lifestyles, such as the famous Owenite community, which occurred a hundred years earlier than similar experiments in the Soviet Union, but ultimately failed regrettably. More than a century ago, the two mentors' favorite country was the United States; they believed that it was the most hopeful and capable place to overthrow capitalism in human civilization. However, what they did not expect was that, for reasons unknown, the first to overthrow capitalism was Tsarist Russia, which they looked down upon the most.

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